What do African schoolteachers think about mathematics?

math-education-in-africa

George Bethell has put out a report via the World Bank, Mathematics Education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Status, Challenges, and Opportunities. It brings together an array of analysis on current mathematics performance and teaching around the continent.

I’d like to highlight two elements. First, a survey in 6 African countries shows teacher attitudes towards math. Now, it’s just 70 teachers per country (roughly 50 primary and 20 secondary), so this is suggestive only. Key findings: Almost all teachers agree that mathematical skills are useful for everyone (except in DRC). But between 24 percent and 62 percent of teachers don’t believe that “everyone has the potential to be good at mathematics,” depending on the country, and a majority of teachers in all countries except Cameroon believe that “you have to have the right sort of brain to be good at mathematics.” It’s easy to imagine that these kinds of beliefs then play into the way teachers teach. (You can read more about it in Appendix A of the report.) Of course, I also don’t know how different these are from other parts of the world. The point is not whether these 6 countries are worse or better than other countries, but that teachers in these country have these particular beliefs about math education which may well affect pedagogy.

what-do-african-teachers-think-about-math

The report also lays out what he sees as the big research questions that remain in this area.

  1. How can countries in SSA monitor trends in mathematical achievement?
  2. How do learners understand mathematical concepts as demonstrated by their teachers? How do they approach mathematical problems?
  3. How effective are the textbooks currently being used to teach basic mathematics in SSA?
  4. How can national assessments of student achievement in mathematics be improved so that they provide policy makers and teachers with the information needed to improve outcomes in mathematics?
  5. Where Open Educational Resources have been used as the basis of, or to supplement, formal teacher education development programmes, have they been effective?
  6. Which of the e-learning and m-learning technologies in the classroom have the greatest potential to raise levels of numeracy and mathematical competence? What are the challenges of introducing e- and m-learning technologies – especially in fragile states?

Calling all researchers! To work!

math-questions-to-be-answered

How Steve Levitt convinced me to give my son extra screen time right now

the-behavioralist-goes-to-school

Alternative title – Quick take: “The Behavioralist Goes to School,” by Levitt et al.

This evening my middle-school son was negotiating for additional screen time, and I proposed that he receive that additional time based on incremental improvement of his grades. But we had just discussed Levitt et al.’s recent paper testing loss aversion with student incentives over dinner, so he opted to start with the extra screen time and then lose it if the grades failed to improve. (His grades are pretty good anyway; just sayin’.) And I couldn’t not go with the evidence, so this had better work.

Back to the paper: Do students respond to incentives if the reward comes right away? Do they respond to non-monetary incentives? Does offering those incentives once crowd out intrinsic motivation?

If those are your questions, then Levitt et al. have some answers in “The Behavioralist Goes to School: Leveraging Behavioral Economics to Improve Educational Performance.” Here’s the abstract:

We explore the power of behavioral economics to influence the level of effort exerted by students in a low stakes testing environment. We find a substantial impact on test scores from incentives when the rewards are delivered immediately. There is suggestive evidence that rewards framed as losses outperform those framed as gains. Nonfinancial incentives can be considerably more cost-effective than financial incentives for younger students, but are less effective with older students. All motivating power of incentives vanishes when rewards are handed out with a delay. Our results suggest that the current set of incentives may lead to underinvestment.

Here’s some detail on the motivation from the authors: “One of the biggest puzzles in education is why investment among many students is so low given the high returns. One explanation is that the current set of long-run returns does not sufficiently motivate some students to invest effort in school.”

And here’s a little more detail on the study and results.

They focus on three features of past incentive programs:

  1. There is a time gap between when students exert effort and when they receive the reward.
  2. Rewards are offered as gains (not losses).
  3. Rewards are monetary.

After some proof-of-concept testing, they ultimately run their field experiments with 5,000+ students in Chicago public schools.

On point 1 (the time gap), they use a test where possibility of rewards are announced to students immediately before the test (so it’s a test of immediate effort, not preparation) and the rewards are given immediately after, as compared to a treatment where the reward is delivered a month later. Receipt of the reward is determined by improvement relative to a baseline test several months before. Depending on the setting, the test is a low-stakes diagnostic reading or math assessment.

“We find that large incentives delivered immediately, whether financial [$20 cash] or nonfinancial [trophy worth $3], have a significant impact on test performance of about a tenth of a standard deviation. In stark contrast, rewards delivered with a one month delay have no impact, nor do small financial rewards [$10 cash].” “As far as we know, ours is the first study to demonstrate that student responsiveness to incentives is sensitive to the size of the reward.”

To test point 2 (gains versus losses), they vary whether students receive the reward before the test and then have to return it immediately after testing or they receive the reward after the test. “In the pooled estimates, the coefficients on losses are roughly twice the magnitude of the analogous ‘gain’ treatments, but are not statistically different from those treatments.”

On point 2 (monetary rewards), they test non-monetary rewards – a trophy worth $3 – against the large and small monetary rewards. “In the pooled results, the point estimates for non-pecuniary rewards (framed either as a gain or a loss) are somewhat smaller than those for the $20 treatment and much larger than those from the $10 treatment.”

Gender: “Our findings with respect to gender are consistent with a wealth of prior research that shows boys tend to be more sensitive to short-term incentives than girls, which may be due in part to gender differences in time preferences.”

Age: “In general, we see similar results across young and old students, with the exception of nonfinancial incentives framed as losses, where we find large positive effects on young students and small negative impacts on older students.”

Do these incentives affect subsequent test performance? The low financial incentives (which had no impact in the short run) lead to negative impacts on tests a few months later. The other incentives have no statistically significant impact and have a mix of positive and negative point estimates.

My short take away: Nuance, nuance, nuance. Student motivation is probably largely overlooked, and offering incentives can have a positive effect. But if you’re doing student incentives, test them out before committing at scale. Although List et al. don’t find pervasive evidence of problems after the incentives are removed, they do find a little, and a couple of other studies (here and here) have as well.

Bonus reading – a few other papers on financial incentives for students

Quick take: “I failed, no matter how hard I tried”: A mixed-methods study of the role of achievement in primary school dropout in rural Kenya, by Zuilkowski et al.

no-matter-how-hard-i-tried

In Kenya, virtually every child enrolls in primary school, but many don’t complete it. Stephanie Simmons Zuilkowski, Matthew Jukes, and Peggy Dubeck use mixed methods to explore why.

Three findings stood out to me:

  1. In interviews with both youth and with parents, the youth (age 14-15, mostly, but some older) were “universally” characterized as the main education decision makers. In many cases, parents encouraged them to stay in school but the youth opted to drop out.
  2. Lower performing youth were more likely to drop out of school. This isn’t surprising but it’s useful to see it quantified. It comes out in both the quantitative and the qualitative work here.
  3. Free primary school isn’t free (and I’m not even talking about pure opportunity cost; I’m talking about simple out-of-pocket costs).

Okay, to the study! They point out why cross-sectional studies may miss the point in understanding dropout rates:

A cross-sectional study may identify proximal factors affecting dropout risk—perhaps pregnancy or the need to work for pay (Ball 2012)—but not the earlier factors that put the child on the trajectory toward dropout. In interviews with parents and teachers, proximal reasons for dropout may become the post-hoc rationale for a child’s dropout obscuring the underlying trigger factors.

Finding 1: Who decides on dropouts?  Admittedly, it’s a small sample for this part: They spoke with 21 youth and 20 parents. In most cases, the interviews were conducted separately. Of the youth, half had dropped out. Here is the key finding: “In our interviews with the dropouts in this sample, the youth were described universally as the principal educational decision-makers, both by the parents and by the youth themselves.” Notably, both youth and parents talked about the importance of education. “The stories of all 11 children who dropped out began with some variation of: ‘I wasn’t doing well in school.’” Many of the quotes highlight relative performance and the inability to get extra help. To me, this points back to the importance of structuring education systems that help teachers to teach to the right level (see here and here for more on that). Many of these children simply weren’t getting instruction at their current level.

Finding 2: “A student with a literacy composite score one standard deviation above average would have fitted odds of dropout that are 40% lower than those of the average scorer. A student with a numeracy score one standard deviation above average would have fitted odds of dropout that are 17% lower than those of the average scorer.” N=2,500+

Finding 3: “Despite the official abolition of school fees, all 13 schools the sampled youth attended had charged fees for extra teachers, books, or materials. Nine of the 21 interviewees—five students and four dropouts—said they had been sent home to get money for fees or materials. Children who could not gather the required amounts were not generally allowed back in class.”

I recommend the paper.

Quick take: “Will More Higher Education Improve Economic Growth?” by Hanushek

img_1839-1

I hear consistent talk of the need to invest in higher education in low- and middle-income countries, so I was interested to see Eric Hanushek’s paper asking if more higher education will improve economic growth, which is forthcoming in the Oxford Review of Economic Policy.

As Hanushek says, “one does not get electrical engineers and computer scientists without investing in higher education.” And yet, his regression results (growth regressed on cognitive skills, non-tertiary schooling levels, and tertiary schooling levels) suggest no significant association between higher tertiary and economic growth. “These  results suggest the possibility that a number of countries are following a misplaced investment strategy if their goal is to improve economic growth. They might be better off spending on the margin to improve basic skills in earlier schooling (where they can be subsequently built upon in university) than simply expanding colleges and universities with existing basic skills.”

One country does show a strong positive relationship between years of tertiary and economic growth: the USA. He argues that the high quality of US universities and their ability to attract high skilled migrants, many of whom stay to work in the US, may explain that result.

Tertiary may be important for many reasons, including the formation of institutions and future leaders. But this pass at the data don’t suggest a strong growth argument.

What do you think?

Quick take: “Education Quality and Teaching Practices” in Chile

education-quality-and-teaching-practices

On this morning’s commute, I caught up on a new NBER Working Paper: “Education Quality and Teaching Practices,” by Marina Bassi, Costas Meghir, and Ana Reynoso.

Here is the abstract: “This paper uses a RCT to estimate the effectiveness of guided instruction methods as implemented in under-performing schools in Chile. The intervention improved performance substantially for the first cohort of students, but not the second. The effect is mainly accounted for by children from relatively higher income backgrounds. Based on the CLASS instrument we document that quality of teacher-student interactions is positively correlated with the performance of low income students; however, the intervention did not affect these interactions. Guided instruction can improve outcomes, but it is a challenge to sustain the impacts and to reach the most deprived children.”

Why no effect for lower-income students? To expand a bit on the abstract: “The most striking result from the table is the association between better student teacher interactions (reflected in a higher CLASS score) and the performance of low income students. In effect, one additional standard deviation in the principal component of CLASS scores is associated with a higher SIMCE test score for low income students of between 15% and 20% of sd units. These results are robust to adjustments in p-values to control for the FWE rate. For higher income students, effects are smaller and in some cases insignificant.”

So if the quality of interactions is particularly important for lower-income students, and the intervention isn’t affecting those interactions, then that could explain the differential effects. It’s an interesting hypothesis, and it points to the ongoing need to better understand what’s happening in the classroom.

Here’s a little more on the intervention: “The main intervention of the program was to support teachers through a modifed method of instruction by adopting a more prescriptive model. Teachers in treated schools received detailed classroom guides and scripted material to follow in their lectures.”

the case AGAINST investing in young children

I read a lot of evidence in favor of investing in young children.  For example, the following from Nobel laureate James Heckman and co-author Masterov:

We argue that, on productivity grounds, it makes sense to invest in young children from disadvantaged environments. Substantial evidence shows that these children are more likely to commit crime, have out-of-wedlock births and drop out of school. Early interventions that partially remediate the effects of adverse environments can reverse some of the harm of disadvantage and have a high economic return. They benefit not only the children themselves, but also their children, as well as society at large.

So I was refreshed today to finally see the other side of the coin.  I’d say, both by the gravitas of the author and the power of the argument, it pretty much balances out the argument:

My problem is the children themselves. They may be cute, but they are here to replace us. Need proof? Ever catch one walking around in your shoes? That’s a chilling moment, like finding an empty body snatcher pod in the basement.

“But children are our future!” Yes, but does that not also mean that we are their past? I don’t understand why we’re helping them. You don’t see union factory workers throwing a benefit for robots. (from I Am America, by Stephon Colbert, p10)

Quod Erat Demonstrandum

more evidence that parents have limited skill at judging quality of early child education centers

Earlier I highlighted a study that shows parents in Germany and the USA aren’t great at judging the quality of their early child education centers. 

Here is evidence showing the same for Rio de Janeiro.  The vertical axis shows parent evaluation, and the horizontal axis shows an objective measure.  As you can see, parents think all the daycare centers are about the same.

from Barros R, Carvalho M, Franco S, Mendonça R, Rosalém A. 2010. “A short-term cost-effectiveness evaluation of better quality daycare centers.” Working Paper.



parents think it’s a good school! they’re wrong!

Just read this nice piece of research.  I can’t find but believe I saw a similar effect described for households in India. 

This study compares how parents in Germany and the USA perceive the quality of ECE services their preschoolers receive in the two different cultures and ECE systems existing in the countries. The sample included 2,407 parents in the USA and 392 in Germany. Classroom quality was assessed by trained observers using the USA and German versions of the Early Childhood Environment Rating Scale (ECERS). Parents’ perceptions of ECE programs were measured with a parent questionnaire (ECERSPQ), which is an adaptation of the ECERS. Findings show that in both countries … parents assign substantially higher quality scores to their children’s classrooms than do trained observers, and parent quality assessments are influenced by the relative importance they attribute to aspects of quality…

from Cryer, Tietze, and Wessels, Parents’ perceptions of their children’s child care: a cross-national comparison, 2002

legos used to teach in Singaporean kindergartens

from Singapore News

Two PCF kindergartens experiment with LEGO products for teaching

By S Ramesh, Channel NewsAsia | Posted: 06 March 2010 1949 hrs

SINGAPORE : Two kindergartens under the PAP Community Foundation (PCF) are piloting the use of teaching materials from LEGO.

The aim is to raise the quality of early childhood education.  Launching the programme at Marine Parade on Saturday was Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong, who is also the area’s MP.  Capitalising on pre-schoolers’ curiosity and enthusiasm about the world around them, the PCF centres in Marine Parade and Chua Chu Kang have started teaching programmes with LEGO materials.  Karen Goh Meng Choo, a parent, said: “Helping the students to be more creative, develop their brains, mathematics in all ways…LEGO is good for all the children.”

PCF said LEGO is being used in the teaching of English, Mathematics and Science, and the children achieve more than just learning.

Manpower Minister Gan Kim Yong, who is also chairman of the PCF Executive Committee, said: “Through LEGO, we also teach them soft skills like socialising, as well as creativity, because to build a good project, the children have to collaborate with one another so that they can build the project together. So through the LEGO play, we encourage teamwork.”

Children from low-income families will not be left out, assured Mr Gan. He said there are many schemes to help them join in these specialised programmes.  [and more in the article]

vocabulary DVDs may make your baby dumber

In various parts of the world, integrating technology with education is a new and exciting trend, trying to incorporate computers into the classroom, using DVDs to help when teachers are poorly qualified, etc. However, we might want to hold off on the DVDs until the children are a little bit older, from a randomized trial study published Monday in the Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine, by Rebekah Richert and three other people.

This, from a nice summary of the work in the Guardian:

In the new study, researchers focused on the Baby Wordsworth DVD, which is part of the Baby Einstein series. It uses puppets, videos of children and parents, pictures, sign language, text, and speech to help children learn 30 words for common objects and rooms in the house. The researchers wanted to find out if regularly watching this type of DVD actually helps young children develop their language skills.

Children who watched the DVD regularly were no more likely to know the words featured in the DVD than those who didn’t watch it.

The study included 96 children aged 12 months to 24 months, half of whom watched the DVD regularly for six weeks. Parents were told to use the DVD as they would any other type of children’s media, giving them leeway to decide whether they would watch the DVD with their child.

Every couple of weeks, the researchers tested both groups’ knowledge of the 30 words featured in the DVD by showing the children pairs of pictures and asking them to point to the one showing the word. The parents were also interviewed about their child’s use and understanding of these words.

At the end of the study, there were no differences between the groups in the numbers of words understood, words said, or pictures identified.

The researchers found no difference between the DVD and no-DVD groups in overall language skills at the end of the study. They also found no link between children’s language skills and how often they watched DVDs in general. However, they did find that children who had first watched a Baby Einstein DVD at a very young age lagged slightly in their language development.